Few books can claim both the popularity and controversiality of Les Aventures de T\u00e9l\u00e9maque, a novel written in 1694-8 and published in 1699 by Fran\u00e7ois Pons de Salignac, Comte de la Mothe-F\u00e9nelon (1651-1715). Envisaged by its author as a sequel to Homer\u2019s Odyssea, T\u00e9l\u00e9maque offers the account of a young warrior\u2019s quest for his long-lost father, Ulysses. Under the veil of epic myth, F\u00e9n\u00e9lon transmitted models of noble behavior to the enfant terrible he was expected to instruct \u2013 the Duke of Burgundy (Louis de France, 1682-1712). Unfortunately for him, the dedicatee\u2019s grandfather, Louis XIV, was anything but pleased by F\u00e9nelon\u2019s pedagogical tale; instead, the Sun King perceived T\u00e9l\u00e9maque as a satire of himself and took measures to prevent it from appearing in print. Even so, T\u00e9l\u00e9maque was distributed in manuscript form, sold in dozens of editions and translated in many languages, thereby sparking a cult or \u2018Telemacomania\u2019 from which few enlightened spirits could escape. Within the year of its first publication, for instance, the Modenese librarian and philosopher Lodovico Antonio Muratori remarked in a letter to Count Carlo Borromeo Arese that T\u00e9l\u00e9maque \u00ab\u00c8 un romanzo, ma fatto con sommo giudicio, per inspirar la virt\u00f9 e insegnar la vera maniera di regger popoli.\u00bb Encouraging his former patron to take a closer look at the book, and in particular at its provocative depiction of \u00abl\u2019ambizione di Luigi e lo stato del suo regno\u00bb Muratori furthermore reported that the Roman authorities too looked suspiciously at its author. But all in spite of the controversy surrounding F\u00e9nelon, Muratori did not hesitate to rehearse his appraisal for T\u00e9l\u00e9maque in Della perfetta poesia italiana (1706), in which he described the novel in glowing terms, though wisely omitted the author\u2019s name: \u201cUna ben differente, ma per\u00f2 ingegnosissima, e misteriosa Filosofia pratica, si \u00e8 a\u2019 nostri giorni rappresentata mirabilmente in prosa da un famoso Letterato di Francia col Romanzo intitolato le Avventure di Telemaco, da cui con rara loro dilettazione possono i Lettori trarre utilissimi consigli per ben reggere se stessi, e per ben governare altrui.\u201d Addressing his Italian colleagues, Muratori added that: \u201cChi perci\u00f2 in somigliante maniera, ma per\u00f2 in versi, e in un Poema ancor continuato […] sapesse leggiadramente intessere queste vaghe Immagini di pratica Filosofia, oltre al giovare assaissimo alla Repubblica [delle lettere], e apportarle gran diletto occuperebbe ancora fra i nostri Poeti un seggio finora vacante. Muratori\u2019s words strike a key when confronted with the flock of Italian poets who taken his advice at heart and versified the adventures of Telemachus into a peculiar kind of \u2018continuous poem\u2019 \u2013the operatic libretto The earliest such example is the anonymous cantata Il ritorno di Telemaco in Itaca, published in Rome during the Summer of 1717. An allegorical work in any sense, this modest cantata lacks in dramatic action and provides roles for just two soloists, Mentore and Telemaco, who sing alongside a \u2018Coro del Popolo d\u2019Itaca.\u2019The piece was performed twice in honor of James Francis Edward Stuart, the \u2018Old Pretender,\u2019 who enjoyed steady support from Pope Clement XI in his (vain) attempts at seizing the British Crown. The libretto was quite tellingly published by the Vatican printer and premiered in private at the papal summer residence of Castelgandolfo. A second performance took place at the Roman Seminar during an academy that made the link between Telemachus\u2019s wanderings and the Jacobite cause all the more explicit \u2013 it bore the pompous title Il modello d\u2019un\u2019eroica virt\u00f9 tr\u00e0 le avversit\u00e0 proposto in persona di Telemaco antico eroe della Grecia. The Roman opera goer had to wait no more than half a year to witness a full-scale Telemaco. In the meantime, theatrical activities in the Holy City had reached a peak with the reopening of two public theaters during the 1717 Carnival \u2013 the Teatro della Pace and Teatro Alibert More than ever Roman impresarios saw themselves enmeshed in fierce competition and rivalry. The Pace, for instance, had been inaugurated with La Circe in Italia, a remake of a Venetian spectacle given six years before. The opening scene of this opera depicted the magician Circe summoning the dark spirits to transform a mountainous seascape into an idyllic garden complete with animals. For all its fanciful simplicity, La Circe in Italia was well received and may have sparked a local trend for Homeric operas depicting enamored femmes fatales against pastoral backdrops. Unhappily, that season the management of another theatrical contender, the Capranica, had opted to stage two rather austere operas by Francesco Gasparini, Il Trace in Catena and Pirro, the first of which was dismissed by the connoisseur Pietro Ottoboni as \u00abla pi\u00f9 dolorosa bestialit\u00e0 che si sia veduta in questo povero paese\u00bb. Having learnt a lesson, the new group of impresarios (Bernardo Robatti, Lorenzo Capua and Giuseppe Masini) changed course the following year by adding more variety and spectacle to the Capranica playbill. Their first offering, Berenice regina di Egitto, dedicated to Ernestina von Dietrichstein, wife to Austrian Ambassador Johann Wenzel von Gallas, featured music that was jointly composed by Domenico Scarlatti and Nicola Porpora, and a historical libretto based on Antonio Salvi\u2019s Berenice, regina d\u2019Egitto (Firenze, 1709). Telemaco, their second production, merits to be seen as both a counterpart to Berenice and a response to the rivaling production of the previous season, La Circe in Italia. Dedicated to Ambassador Gallas himself, Telemaco boasted a spectacular mythological libretto by Carlo Sigismondo Capeci,16 stunning decorations by Antonio Canevari, and a luscious score by Scarlatti senior, Alessandro. The synopsis learns that Telemaco is partly based on Homer\u2019s Odyssea partly invented. Papal censorship or personal ambitions must have prevented Capeci from quoting F\u00e9nelon as his real source of inspiration. To be sure, a quick glance at the list of interlocutors creates the impression that the plot pays greater tribute to the stock conventions of Baroque opera than to F\u00e9nelon\u2019s T\u00e9l\u00e9maque. Rather than following the novel in detail, Capeci recombined elements from various chapters \u00abper lasciar maggior campo all\u2019intreccio,\u00bb that is, to accommodate a staggering fifty-three arias and ensembles. No coincidence, then, the divergences between novel and opera are considerable. The title-character does for instance not become infatuated with a nymph called Eucharis, as happens in Book VII of T\u00e9l\u00e9maque but instead starts a relationship with Idomeneus\u2019s daughter Antiope. Thus an episode located in Salante and told in Books XXII and XXIII of F\u00e9nelon\u2019s novel was made to complement adventures situated on Ogygia and related in Books I, IV and VII, with two additional differences, namely that Antiope happens to live as a slave under the name Erifile, and that Telemaco does actually marry her (instead of eloping her). Calipso\u2019s love for Telemaco is furthermore envied by a certain Adrasto, who reminds us of the ill-fated Daunian King Adraste from Books XVI to XX (he is killed by T\u00e9l\u00e9maque), though is here presented as a Corinthian prince promised to Calipso. Finally, there is a newly-invented brother for Calipso, Sicoreo, whose love for Antiope creates a second love triangle that is wholly absent from F\u00e9nelon\u2019s account. On scrutinizing the operatic afterlife of T\u00e9l\u00e9maque, I was able to identify an additional,hereto-unknown model for Telemaco \u2013 Pellegrin\u2019s trag\u00e9die en musique T\u00e9l\u00e9maque, premiered at Paris in 1714 with music by Destouches. Capeci seems to have either attended a performance of this opera or bought a copy of its libretto during his French sojourn with dowager-Queen Maria Casimira (1714-6). Conspicious similarities between both libretti bear out enough evidence to assume that it was indeed Pellegrin\u2019s example which provided the Roman poet with the clues necessary to dramatize an epic novel. As regards the cast, for instance, both operas are provided with a role for a high priest of Neptune, called Nicandro in Capeci\u2019s version. The scenery of both productions is greatly similar, not to mention the divertissements with machinery and ballets, rare features of early opera seria. Various intertextualities, finally, confirm the kinship between Pellegrin\u2019s trag\u00e9die en musique and Capeci\u2019s dramma per musica. Yet, to state that Capeci merely translated or adapted an extant libretto would do wrong to his sensitivity to F\u00e9nelon\u2019s novel. Some of his textual interventions in effect reveal a closer adherence to Les Aventures de T\u00e9l\u00e9maque than to Pellegrin\u2019s operatic rendering. Whereas the latter gave far more scope to the events around Calypso, Eucharis and Adraste, unnecessarily delaying Telemachus\u2019s first appearance until the second act, Capeci focused on the novel\u2019smain plot, introducing Telemaco in Act I scene 3. All the more important from this respect is Capeci\u2019s restoration of the essential part of Mentor, T\u00e9l\u00e9maque\u2019s philosophical counselor, who in Pellegrin\u2019s version is downgraded to a generic confident named Idas. Speaking in numbers, Capeci\u2019s intervention is astonishing \u2013 whereas Idas has a mere seventeen lines of recitative to sing, Mentore is heard in sixty-three lines of recitative plus five arias. A last, all the more remarkable difference testifying to Capeci\u2019s acquaintance with F\u00e9nelon\u2019s novel consists in his treatment of the opening scene. Whereas Pellegrin\u2019s prologue trumpets the peace and flourishing of the arts under the King\u2019s patronship – the chorus exclaims such clich\u00e9s as \u00abDans nos jeux, \/ M\u00ealons la tendresse\u00bb and \u00abAmours, faites voler vos traits, \/Plaisirs, faites briller vos charmes, \/ Triomphez, regnez \u00e0 jamais\u00bb \u2013 it is F\u00e9nelon\u2019s critical stance toward luxury and voluptuousness which Capeci seeked to confirm through a depiction of a quarrel between Minerva and Nettuno over the merits of rationality versus sensuality, which concludes with a duet: \u00abTorni dunque il Ciel sereno, \/ Torni in calma questo Mar.\u00bb Poetic conceits relating to the sea and alluding to both the Odyssea and amorous desire, most notably shipwrecks and tempests, constitute a basic tenet of F\u00e9nelon\u2019s novel and its operatic adaptations. Calypso is introduced in F\u00e9nelon\u2019s account as a passionate woman torn by grief and melancholy, lamenting her abandonment by Ulysses near the seaside and sharing her tears with the waves. An all too meticulous imitation of F\u00e9nelon\u2019s text would have resulted in silence, for the latter tells that \u00abSa grotte ne resonnoit plus de son chant.\u00bb Act I scene 3 of Pellegrin\u2019s T\u00e9l\u00e9maque by contrast takes a more positively \u2018operatic\u2019 direction in that it has Calypso perform an aria in which she invokes the pity of Neptune, whose cruel waves have robbed her of Ulysses and, as the spectator knows, are about to bring her a new object of affection. The scene is set in a post-diluvial landscape with material reflections of Calypso\u2019s inner brokenness and nostalgia \u2013 ruins. Capeci in his turn retained part of the new tableau, while at the same time omitted the two preceding, redundant scenes starring Eucharis and her confidente, Cleone, thus creating a plot that is more in keeping with the novel.
\nThe music to Calipso\u2019s first aria, \u00abDio del mar,\u00bb with its Lento tempo, dotted rhythms in staccato, ternary meter, and numerous rests, enhances the sense of royalty combined with distress apt for the situation and character \u2013 a divine abbandonata. Ornamental display and cadential delays on \u00abpiet\u00e0\u00bb (measures 14-19) amplify Calipso\u2019s unful fillable yearning for deliverance.
\nCalypso is suffering from amorous sorrow, if not for too long. On beholding Telemaco from a distance, she immediately recognizes the traits of her former lover, exclaiming: \u00abm\u00e0 quel sembiante, \/ E\u2019 l\u2019istesso, che in sogno \/ Di vedere in Ulisse, oh Dio! mi parve.\u00bb Her words retain snippets from Pellegrin\u2019s version, but the context in which they are uttered has changed in favor of more scenic drama. Rather than a simple r\u00e9cit, the dream or memory of Ulysses has become a physical recognition in line with F\u00e9nelon\u2019s account, which reports that, from the very first glance, it became clear to Calypso that T\u00e9l\u00e9maque possessed his father\u2019s character and build. An additional similarity between F\u00e9nelon and Capeci consists in the representation of Calipso\u2019s experience of joy, love and unease on perceiving the younger version of her Greek idol. Calipso tries her utmost to conceal the early signs of affection, but \u2013 as F\u00e9nelon put it \u2013\u00abla joie de son c\u0153ur [\u2026] \u00e9clatoit malgr\u00e9 elle sur son visage.\u00bb The blush on her face, which is naturally difficult to render on stage, was cleverly manipulated by Capeci into an offside address to her heart.
\nAs regards the music, Calipso\u2019s inner shift from pathos to exaltation is exteriorized through sharply contrasting ingredients. \u00abMio cor, se lo sai tu\u00bb is cast in a Vivace mold featuring common time, quirky figures by the violins (measures 17-8), and numerous textual repeats. On a tonal level, there is a world of difference between its \u2018amorous\u2019 key, A Major (with three sharps), and the \u2018soft\u2019 B-flat Major (two flats) of \u00abDio del Mar\u00bb. Again, however, the delayed cadence (measures 19-25) suggests that Calipso\u2019s feelings are not to be reciprocated.
\nTelemaco\u2019s inner anguish is evoked through an Andante with dotted rhythms in staccato, spiraling \u2018siciliano\u2019 motives, cadential delay (measures 20-23), modal inflections (lowered subtonic in measure 25), and chromaticisms on \u00ab petto \u00bb (measures 21-22), as if love is musically creeping in his \u2018chest.\u2019 Inflicted by a yet unknown feeling that overrides his rational comfort and undermines his eloquence, Telemaco rehearses the discourse of Calipso\u2019s \u00abDio del mar.\u00bb Tonally speaking (g minor versus B-flat Major), both arias could hardly be closer related. Scarlatti\u2019s deployment of specific keys not only reveals a profound interest in musical rhetorics, but also helps to define gender patterns in his score. In the eighteenth century, each tonality possessed its distinct expressive range and gender. The more sharps and flats added to the signature, the more \u2018genderized\u2019 a key was believed to sound. An increasing number of flats was perceived as being less noble and more pathetic, hence as more appropriate to represent the \u2018weak sex\u2019; an increasing number of sharps was associated with brightness and vigor, hence with traits appropriate for masculine characters. Such connotations between the flat and effeminacy did not necessarily originate from psychoacoustic notions, though rather sprang from semantic connections in Latin and Romance languages, and more particularly between the \u2018mollis\u2019 or \u2018bemolle\u2019 and such concepts as \u2018mollitia,\u2019 \u2018mollesse\u2019 or \u2018mollezza.\u2019 Giovanni Maria Bononcini, for example, argued in his Musico prattico (1688) that the \u00abB molle\u00bb was thus called \u00abperche rende la Cantilena molle, mesta, e languida.\u00bb In keeping with this, contemporaries associated Telemaco\u2019s key of g minor (two flats) with (very) pathetic, tender and touching affections, while at the same time believed it to suit agitated emotions like frenzy, despair, discontent and unease. Calipso\u2019s B-flat Major, on the other hand, was described by eighteenth-century commentators as rather noble, but also as pathetic, tender, soft, sweet, effeminate, amorous and aspiring for a better world. Rationalist philosophers appropriated the concept of \u2018mollezza\u2019 so as to criticize the alleged \u2018effeminacy\u2019 of musical drama. In Italy, it was above all Muratori who in his Della perfetta poesia italiana sought to wreck the reputation of contemporary opera, contending that egli non si pu\u00f2 negare, che la Musica Teatrale de\u2019 nostri tempi non si sia condotta ad una smoderata effemminatezza, onde ella pi\u00f9 tosto \u00e8 atta a corrompere gli animi de gli uditori, che a purgarli, e migliorarli, come dall\u2019antica Musica si faceva. Muratori did thereby not mention any tonal or modal principles underlying this \u2018effemminatezza\u2019 (as Plato had done in the Republic), but simply took it for granted that the \u2018ariette\u2019 of divas and castrati inspired una certa mollezza, e dolcezza, che segretamente serve a sempre pi\u00fa far vile, e dedito a\u2019 bassi amori il popolo, bevendo esso la languidezza affettata delle voci, e gustando gli affetti pi\u00fa vili, conditi dalla Melodia non sana. On the basis of this, he concluded that \u00abnon si partono giammai gli Spettatori pieni di gravit\u00e0, o di nobili affetti; ma solamente di una femminil tenerezza, indegna de gli animi virili, e delle savie, e valorose persone.\u00bb Muratori\u2019s critique can be connected to the tale of Telemachus via the idea, espoused by eighteenth-century criticism, that the arias of feminine performers instilled similar, \u2018mollifying\u2019 effects in listeners as siren songs had done in Ulysses and his sailors. Thus Antonio Planelli observed in his Dell\u2019opera in musica (1772) that the \u2018abuses\u2019 of feminine song had been anticipated by Homeric epic: Per ci\u00f2, che concerne le Cantatrici, ben si sa qual predominio abbia sul cuore umano il canto donnesco, e una funesta, e giornaliera esperienza fa vedere quanto spesso se ne abusino le donne di questa professione. Nella favola delle Sirene, che col canto faceano naufragare gl\u2019incauti naviganti, esprimer volle l\u2019Antichit\u00e0 in uno e quel predominio, e quello abuso.
\nAlthough there is no hard evidence suggesting that F\u00e9nelon envisaged T\u00e9l\u00e9maque as an anti-operatic pamphlet, it may be safely assumed that his novel was read and appreciated as such by rationalists like Muratori. For T\u00e9l\u00e9maque depicted a young warrior\u2019s debasing passion for a singing (!) nymph, who leads him to passivity, loss of eloquence, vice and effeminacy, and entices him away from the path of rationality and heroism laid out by Minerva \/ Mentor. The latter repeatedly alerts him to the dangers of being seduced by the \u00abparoles douces & fl\u00e2teuses de Calypso, qui se glisseront comme un serpent sous les fleurs.\u00bb
\nEventually, it is not Calypso but Eucharis, Calypso\u2019s lower subject, who lures T\u00e9l\u00e9maque into Cupid\u2019s trappings and causes his masculine self to crumble \u2013 a process tellingly denoted through the verb s\u2019amolir.
\nIn Scarlatti\u2019s Telemaco, similar ideas emerge scene by scene, pervading the musico-dramatic contributions of the entire cast. The focus is naturally on Telemaco\u2019s seduction by Antiope, depicted in Book XII of F\u00e9nelon\u2019s novel as a full-bred diva who \u00abadoucit le travail & l\u2019ennui par les charmes de sa voix, lorsqu\u2019elle chante toutes les merveilleuses histoires des Dieux\u00bb.
\nWhereas Pellegrin fused Eucharis and Antiope into one and the same person who is only discovered to be a princess near the end of the opera, Capeci invested more energy into drawing the mollifying powers of Antiope \/ Erifile, perhaps because this role was \u2013 like all the others in Telemaco \u2013 sung by a male vocalist, Carlo Scalzi.
\nThe gesture is reflected in three of Antiope\u2019s arias, which are in minor keys with flats and ternary meters.
\nAs can be expected, Mentore stands on the other side of the bipolar gender spectrum, voicing such \u2018virile\u2019 vertues as self-control through Allegri, common time and \u2018masculine\u2019 keys with sharps, especially D Major \u2013 connoted in Scarlatti\u2019s day with heroic, brilliant, bright, vigorous, cheerful, gay, warlike and triumphant feelings.
\nMentore\u2019s key aria, \u00abAlma Dea figlia di Giove\u00bb (Act I scene 8), is furthermore inscribed in the passion-sea framework which informed the opening scene as well as Calipso\u2019s and Telemaco\u2019s laments.
\nIn it, however, Minerva, not Neptune, is summoned to Rendi \u00e0 noi placato il Ciel; Doppo turbini, e procelle, Scopri chiare \u00e0 noi le Stelle, Fa che il Mar sia men crudel. Cast in a style characterized by rapid scales, coloraturas, large intervals and a tempestuous drum bass, Mentore\u2019s \u2018virtuoso\u2019 discourse is miles removed from the laments of Calypso, Antiope and Telemaco.
\nAll in spite of Mentore\u2019s warnings and his own intentions, Telemaco will \u2013 like his French equivalents \u2013 undergo the tempests of passion and lose his masculinity, be it temporarily.
\nIn Act II scene 12, he can only admit to himself: Cede al Vento, cede al Mare Combattuta Navicella, Ne la regge pi\u00f9 il Nocchier.
\nThe phrase, a commonplace of opera seria, recalls F\u00e9nelon\u2019s description \u00abSon c\u0153ur \u00e9toit comme la mer qui est le jouet de tous les vents contraires.\u00bb By escaping Calypso\u2019s isle, F\u00e9nelon\u2019s T\u00e9l\u00e9maque will in the end regain his male virtuousness and rehearse the main theme: \u00abJe ne crains plus ni mer, ni vents, ni temp\u00eate; je ne crains plus que mes passions. L\u2019Amour est lui seul plus \u00e0 craindre que tous les naufrages.\u00bb
\nOperatic convention, on the other hand, must have forced Pellegrin and Capeci to alter F\u00e9nelon\u2019s scenario through the invention of a marriage supported by Minerva. Even so, this lieto fine ensures T\u00e9l\u00e9maque\u2019s \/ Telemaco\u2019s love for Eucharis \/ Antiope-Erifile to be transformed from a sensual, effeminate desire into the kind of rationalized partnership which F\u00e9nelon advocated when describing T\u00e9l\u00e9maque\u2019s love for Antiope: Non, mon cher Mentor, ce n\u2019est pas une passion aveugle comme celle dont vous m\u2019avez gu\u00e9ri dans l\u2019isle de Calypso […] pour Antiope, ce que je ressens n\u2019a rien de semblable; ce n\u2019est point amour passionn\u00e9, c\u2019est go\u00fbt, c\u2019est estime, c\u2019est persuasion: que je serois heureux si je passois ma vie avec elle!
\nAlthough Muratori is likely to have deplored the compromising d\u00e9nouement of Telemaco, he must have championed the re-elaboration \u2013 in Italian verse and in a continuous poem \u2013 of a plot which represented the vicious effects of \u2018effeminate sensuality\u2019 on masculine heroism. Twelve years earlier on, he had still found reason to complain: E perch\u00e9 non possono rappresentarsi li Eroi, e le nobili persone operanti per altre macchine, che per quelle di Cupido? Non ci son\u2019eglino tanti altri Amori, quel della Virt\u00fa, della Gloria, del regnare, e somiglianti, che furono, e saran sempre una feconda miniera di Tragici argomenti? Perch\u00e9 ristringersi cos\u00ed sovente al solo amore del senso?
\nAbstract: Few books can claim both the popularity and controversiality of F\u00e9nelon\u2019s Les Aventures de T\u00e9l\u00e9maque (1699), a novel translated into several languages and repeatedly praised for containing \u00abdelightful images of practical philosophy\u00bb (Muratori, 1706). But T\u00e9l\u00e9maque had more to offer than just reading matter. The dramatic episodes punctuating its epic framework have invited numerous theatrical adaptations. F\u00e9nelon\u2019s recasting of Telemachus\u2019s adventures on Calypso\u2019s isle (Books I, IV and VII) bore such conspicuously \u2018operatic\u2019 qualities that it became a favorite opera scenario. Clues as to the reception of this particular episode in settecento opera can be found in Muratori\u2019s widely-read Della perfetta poesia italiana (1706). In fact, the story of a young prince experiencing difficulties in abandoning \u00abthe charms of an idle and effeminate life\u00bb chimes with Muratori\u2019s rationalist stance on opera and gender. The seducing \u2018siren songs\u2019 of Calypso and her nymphs can be seen as representing the debasing effects of music on contemporary audiences, and the discursive persuasion of Telemachus\u2019s counselor Mentor (Minerva in male disguise) as the voice of rationality. As a result, Telemachus\u2019s rejection of effeminacy and sensuality must have provided reformist poets with a powerful tool to redefine operatic virtue. Alessandro Scarlatti\u2019s Telemaco (Rome, 1718), the first full-scale Italian opera to elaborate on F\u00e9nelon\u2019s novel, confirms such reading. Intertextual analysis indicates that Carlo Sigismondo Capeci drew his libretto from a hereto-unknown source, Pellegrin\u2019s T\u00e9l\u00e9maque (Paris, 1714). Yet, while copying Pellegrin\u2019s scenic lay-out, Capeci at the same time restored elements from the novel that were absent from the French opera, most notably the character of Mentor and the semantic devices with which F\u00e9nelon had stressed the \u2018poisoning\u2019 effect of feminine eros on masculine eloquence. A closer look at Scarlatti\u2019s score reveals how the restoration of F\u00e9nelon\u2019s gender ideology has helped to differentiate characters exclusively performed by male singers.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Few books can claim both the popularity and controversiality of Les Aventures de T\u00e9l\u00e9maque, a novel written in 1694-8 and published in 1699 by Fran\u00e7ois Pons de Salignac, Comte de la Mothe-F\u00e9nelon (1651-1715). Envisaged by its author as a sequel to Homer\u2019s Odyssea, T\u00e9l\u00e9maque offers the account of a young warrior\u2019s quest for his long-lost […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":4136,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4135","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4135","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4135"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4135\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4137,"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4135\/revisions\/4137"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/4136"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4135"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4135"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/luca-casagrande.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4135"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}